Society in the subcontinent, of course, changes but there are a few things which remain the same, caste worship [Jatiwaad] being one of them.

The caste system was originally based on “Varan” which means colour. We still retain this word in Punjabi language with R dropped; Vann. We also have other phrases such as “Vann savann [diverse colours/ diversity]” and “Vann savanna [of diverse colours]”.

After the arrival and ascendancy of Aryans, our society was divided into four classes based on colour of skin. Aryans were light-skinned while people in Indus valley are darker. Division of population was a secular act but its rationale was laced with metaphysical and religious sanction evoked in a mythopoeic manner. The intent was to make it apparently more acceptable, at least for the Aryan conscience.

Hymns in Rig Veda [composed/ revealed in the Punjab around 1500 BC] refer to Varan and states that four classes/ castes of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra sprang up from the mouth, arm, thigh and feet of primeval man Purusha respectively. The division is strictly hierarchical and rigidly fixed. Indigenous people placed at the bottom of the rung are supposed to be in service to other three classes above them. But it’s natural that clear-cut separation seen in the theory cannot be maintained in actual practice. So with the passage of time intermarriages were tolerated if not liked. Aryan men due to a small number of Aryan women in their fold felt compelled to marry women of Harappa society as the recent DNA results have shown. There is evidence that a part of elite of indigenous people, who were more civilised and knowledgeable than their counterparts, was admitted into Aryan fold after having fulfilled some conditions and performed certain rituals.

Intermingling, hepergamous and hypogamous marriages between the indigenous and the newly arrived helped dilute the severity of Varn rules and restrictions in the course of time leading to a new form of social division called Jati [lineage/caste] which is prevalent even today.

Punjab, the original citadel of Harappa people, has traditionally been denigrated and demonised by Gangetic upholders of segregation for not strictly following the caste rules and violating the so-called law of an immutable division of work. But still jati [called zaat in West Punjab] is visibly present at the social and cultural level and acts as a political lever in the domain of power.

Muslims in Punjab love to assert that there is no notion of Jati in their religion which is largely true. But in practice the scenario is quite different. They are divided across caste/Bradari lines. Interestingly, the most vociferous proponents of Islamic faith called Syed are the very people who have coined a caste for themselves. They are equivalents of Brahmins in our Muslim society. As a quasi-priestly class, they claim higher status like Brahmins for having roots in the Arab soil, the original homeland of Islam. Their large number belies their claim; lot of them may not be of foreign extraction and have entered the fold in search of greener pastures. They love to flaunt their so-called caste as economic and social benefits accrue to them from use of it. There are also some other castes which claim Arab origins such as Awan and Arain. Members of Awan caste invariably display their caste as part of their names while Arian seldom do it.

Indigenous Rajputs being well-placed in traditional caste hierarchy proudly use their caste name especially the economically depressed section of them with the express purpose of glossing over their present plight. The case of Gujjar and Jat is quite interesting. Both have low status in traditional caste hierarchy. Gujjar are originally pastoralists and cattle breeders while Jat are nomads and herders. Both turned to agriculture only a few centuries ago. Gujjar’s love for livestock is well-known but Jat are equally passionate about cattle. In Damodar’s composition of Heer, When Chuchak, Heer’s rich father, in an act of generosity offers Ranjha free gift of land for farming exempted from tax, he politely declines it and insists on being employed as a lowly herder. Gujjar use caste tag as part of their name. Almost all Jat add their sub caste [Got/Gotara] to their names.

Displaying epaulets of caste means a public declaration of being separate, being distinct in a society which ideologically advocates apartheid. Gujjar and Jat indulge in this practice to partly express their newly acquired social, economic and political power. Rajputs gloat over jetsam and flotsam bequeathed by ancient caste system which has become ingrained in their social psyche.

Different castes/Bradaris operate as syndicates with an emphasis on exclusivity and act to the advantage of its members. With the passage of time instead of losing its significance the caste has increasingly emerged as a social signifier. So much so that now politicians, members of elite civil service, police officials and even judges wear their castes on their sleeve, an act which was taken as a sign of social and cultural backwardness a few decades ago.

Apologists of caste/Bradari defend the act arguing that use of caste is little more than a mark of identity. Well, if it denotes nothing more than identity why do socially and economically oppressed classes and artisans feel shy of displaying their caste as a mark of identity?

Caste is much more than a mere neutral signifier as it carries the vestiges of a sordid system that treat different people differently. The negative impact of caste system is such that indigenous artisans termed as low caste have started claiming that they came from foreign lands. This is a desperate act to remove the stigma of being low caste which expresses the human worthlessness of its member. Caste worship has created different islands for different groups of people which acts as an impediment in the way of social development and prevent not only social harmony but also deny level playing to others. Above all it thwarts the equal application of law with its thinly hidden glorification of racial bias.

Despite all the pious ranting and raving against it, the deeply entrenched phenomenon of caste can’t be wished away. What’s needed is a cultural transformation spread over decades driven by well-thought out education plan and urbanisation. But what can be taken as a first step is to ban the use of caste as part of one’s name by law.

Colonialism encouraged this practice. Identity as a citizen in our contemporary society must take precedence. Patina of caste prejudice wouldn’t allow us to develop us into a fully humanised society if it’s not removed from our social surface.