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MUGHAL
WALL PAINTINGS AT
DORAHA by
Subhash Parihar
ughal
builders embellished their buildings using a number of media, namely,
glazed tiles, mirror-mosaics, inlay-work, carved stone, stucco, and
painting. Painted decoration was usually limited to the use of vegetal or
geometrical motifs. The application of animate motifs was not so
frequent. Hence the surviving examples of such work are a few. However,
their former existence in a greater number is attested by the accounts of
numerous European travellers, their depiction in a number of Mughal
miniatures, as well as by some actual extant specimens. Amongst
European visitors, Portuguese Jesuit Father Jerome Xavier (1608), British
traveller William Finch (1611), British Ambassador to the court of
Jahangir Sir Thomas Roe (1615-19), Portuguese Missionary Fray Sebastian
Manrique (1641), and French traveller Jean de Thevenot (1666-67), have
been eye-witnesses to the existence of Mughal wall paintings depicting
Christian subjects.[1]
Father Xavier specifically mentions that Jahangir ordered his artists to
prepare large-sized sketches for wall paintings and consult the Fathers
as to the colour to be given to the costumes of the Christian figures.[2]
Obviously, the main interest of all these travellers in Mughal
wall-paintings was due to their Christian themes. Other animate subjects
may also have been depicted.
Horse with rider on the façade of the gateway
©
All photographs by the author Numerous
examples of the painted representations of figurative wall paintings are
also known. The earliest of these is a painting from a Baburnama
manuscript (ca. 1589) depicting Babur receiving a courtier.[3]
In this painting appear two rabbits and a fabulous bird painted on the
wall behind the sitting figure of Babur. Almost similar in spirit is the
wall painting shown on the back wall in an illustration from a manuscript
of Anwar-i Suhaili (1604-10).[4]
An illustration by the Mughal artist Miskin to the Khamsa of Nizami (dated 1595) shows a building in the background on
the walls of which there are three paintings, all of European
inspiration.[5]
The Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, has a miniature (ca. 1617)
depicting the reception of Jahangir and Shah Jahan by Nur Jahan. [6]
In this miniature is shown a pavilion, the outer wall of which has the
representations of Jesus, the Virgin, and two animals. Another miniature
(dated 1617-18) in the Institute of Peoples of Asia (Leningrad),
recording the coronation of Jahangir also depicts two Christian wall
paintings on the back wall.[7]
A painting from the Minto Album (c. 1635) showing Jahangir celebrating
the festival of Holi has the outer wall of the right-hand pavilion
adorned with a wall painting depicting an animal figure.[8]
At least six illustrations in the Windsor Castle manuscript
of Padshahnama show the
murals painted on walls. In the painting showing Jahangir receiving
Prince Khurram on his return from the Mewar campaign, just above the
figure of Jahangir is painted a portrait of emperor Akbar. [9]
Of the five others, three show wall paintings depicting Christian
subjects like Christ, Virgin Mary, fairies etc.[10]
Of
the actually surviving specimens of Mughal wall paintings, mention may be
made of the paintings in the so-called Mariam's House at Fatehpur Sikri
(dating from the reign of Akbar), Nur Jahan's Pavilion in the Ram Bagh,
Agra, western gateway of the Arab sarai, Nizamuddin, Delhi, a
room of the Jahangiri quadrangle, and Kala Burj in the Lahore
Fort, and the tomb of Sultan Khusrau at Allahabad (all the five painted
during Jahangir's reign).[11]
The wall paintings in all these buildings but for the last one, are of
fine quality, most probably, executed by court painters. But in
comparison to these fine works, on some other Mughal monuments are seen
the wall paintings which are of lesser quality. In these, the
draftsmanship is crude and figures archaic. Sometimes the both types of
wall paintings—fine as well as crude—appear on the same monument,
e.g., in the Rang Mahal at Buria (District Yamunanagar, Haryana), most
probably built during the reign of Jahangir (1605-27).[12]
Here the elephant figures decorating the interior walls are finely
rendered but the figure of a woman with a peacock on the outer side of
the north-western wall is of a raw quality. But as the surviving number
of Mughal wall paintings is not large, their each and every specimen is
significant. Some
such raw quality wall paintings, the author has come across at Doraha
(District Ludhiana, Punjab), situated some 295 kilometres to the
northwest of Delhi, on the National Highway No. 1. During the Mughal
period Agra-Delhi-Lahore Highway passed through the town. The building
bearing the wall paintings is a carvansarai, one of numerous halting
stations built along the route, mostly during the seventeenth century. In
its original condition, the sarai comprised a square walled-in enclosure.[13]
The entry to the enclosure was provided through two splendid gateways,
placed in the middle of its northern and southern walls. All along the
inner side of the enclosing wall were small rooms for travellers. A set
of inter-connected chambers in the northeast corner of the sarai
comprised hammam or bath-suite. The lodgers in the sarai could offer their
prayers in the mosque, situated in its western half of the courtyard. But
for this mosque the other structures in this half have crumbled since
long. The
two surviving gateways of the sarai form the most prominent visual
feature of the extant remains. Both are double-storeyed structures
adorned on their exterior with panels and borders filled with various
geometrical patterns formed with unglazed brick, and inlaid with
brilliant glazed tiles of turquoise, indigo, yellow and white colours.
This style of glazed tile decoration was prevalent during the first
quarter of the seventeenth century, roughly coinciding with the reign of
Emperor Jahangir (1605-27). Some
other modes of decoration are also seen on various other parts of the
sarai. Stalactites moulded in plaster fill up the soffits of some
recesses of the gateways. The spandrels of the rooms for travellers have
simple designs formed with off-colour bricks. The ceilings of the hammam
rooms are adorned with painted stylised medallions in Indian red and
viridian. But the most significant decoration in the sarai are the wall
paintings, appearing on the interior and the facade of the southern
gateway (Fig. 1). These wall paintings, depicting human beings, animals,
and birds, have escaped the notice of scholars so far. When
I first studied the monument in early 1980s, in these wall paintings only
a few crudely painted human figures were visible. I dismissed these as
having been executed, probably, by the refugee families from Pakistan who
inhabited the sarai for a long period after the partition of 1947, as the
figures did not display fineness usually associated with Mughal art. Then
I visited the monument again about two decades later. By this time the
wall paintings had been cleansed chemically by the Department of
Archaeology, Punjab. The subjects of the wall paintings were now visible
more clearly. The appearance of some typical Mughal motifs like
flower-pot, flowering tree, and men in Muslim dresses, confirmed their
execution during the Mughal period. These
wall paintings appear on the facade of the gateway, in the squinches for
the domical ceiling, and the soffit of the ceiling of its main
passageway. The paintings on
the facade occupy spandrels of the main archway. Being on the exterior,
only a few inches of the upper parts of the paintings survive now, the
rest having been destroyed by the Sun and rains. But even from the
surviving few inches it is possible to make out their subject matter, as
faint traces of incised drawings are still visible. In the right spandrel
is a galloping horse with its rider, and followed by an elephant driven
by its mahaut wearing a typical Mughal turban, and carrying a goad
in his hand (Fig. 2). The same scene is mirrored in the left spandrel.
The space around the figures in both spandrels is filled with painted
floral vines. The colour palate is limited to Indian red, yellow ochre
and green. The
paintings on the interior have lost their original colours and appear
more or less monochromatic.[14]
In many cases it is difficult even to identify if a figure is that of a
male or female. As
each squinch has a semi-octagonal base, its inner side resolves itself
into five vertical panels. Of the twenty panels so formed sixteen have
one human figure each. Of the remaining four panels, two have one
flowerpot each and the other two, flowering trees. A detailed description
of these wall paintings, in clock-wise direction, follows:
Painted figures in the southeast squinch Southeast [SE]
squinch In
this squinch, in the middle stands a lady with her head in profile, and
having both her hands raised as if to tell something to the figure
sitting in front of her (Figs. 3-4).
Detail of right panel of the above figure Behind
the central lady are shown two standing figures, the first one, most
probably a female wearing a skirt. The male figure behind her supports a
turban. His thin legs are in a position of movement. The male figure
standing behind the seated male, folding his hands in front of his chest,
also has lean legs. The curved space above the figures is filled with
vines bearing two types of flowers (one type being eight-petalled) and a
few leaves. Of the four cartouches formed above these figures by vines,
each has a sitting bird, arranged as facing pairs. The space around the
right four figures has also a sprinkling of flower motifs.
Central figure in the southwest quinch
Detail of painting in the southwest quinch
Southwest [SW]
squinch
Male figure painted in the northwest quinch
The
first panel in this squinch is occupied by a clumsy female figure having
her hair plaited in a tail. She is wearing a frock-like garment and
carrying something like a fish in her hands. The second panel is filled
with the flower pot motif. A male figure holding a stick or something
like it in his right hand, stands in the third panel (Fig. 7). Figures of
trees fill the fourth panel whereas a galloping horse with a rider is
shown in the fifth one (Fig. 8). North-east [NE]
squinch But
for the first panel in this squinch in which is depicted a long-necked
flask out of which sprouts a bunch of nine symmetrically arranged
stylised flowers, the other panels have one human figure each (Fig. 9).
The narrow-waisted figure in the second panel, probably a lady, is
presenting a fruit-tray to the person in the third panel who appears to
be saluting her (Figs. 10-11). These two figures are separated from the
remaining two figures in the fourth and fifth panels by a tree. Of the
figures in the last two panels, the left one shows presenting something
like a pair of sandals to the figure in the last panel who carries a
sword in his left hand and a bunch of flowers (?) in his right hand (Fig.
12). The garments of the figures in this squinch show better details.
Horse
and rider painted in the northwest quinch
As
is obvious from details of the wall paintings, at least the pictures in
the northeast, southeast and northwest spandrels depict some episodes,
may be from different narratives, not identifiable at least at present.
It is probable that the central male and female figures in the northeast
squinch represent Jahangir and Nur Jahan Begum. Besides
the wall paintings in the four squinches, the soffit of the central
domical also clearly shows a human figure standing amongst some animals
and birds (Fig. 13). Contrary to all other wall paintings, the human
figure here is clearly identifiable. It is no other than Lord Krishna
playing on flute, Krishna the Venugopal. Slender-waisted Krishna though
standing on his left leg, presents himself in a frontal pose, having his
face turned in profile. Surrounded with birds and cows, the lord wears a
plumage crown. I wonder if the themes of the squinch panels also relate
to some episodes in the life of Krishna, or may be of Rama, the hero of
the Indian epic Ramayana. In
the space to the right hand side of the Krishna figure are some more
human figures (Fig. 14). The activity performed by these figures can not
be identified. The
faces of the most of the figures are depicted in profile. The
draftsmanship is clumsy, extremely archaic. But so is the execution of
all painted architectural decoration of the region during the Mughal
period. May it be the tomb of Muhammad Momin (popularly called tomb of
Ustad) (1612-13) at Nakodar or the tomb of Jamal Khan (c. 1620) at Rupar
(now Rup Nagar).[15]
The space used for painted decoration in the Rupar tomb is also squinches.
The figures stand on a single plane, against a blank background. The
clothing of figures shows Islamic influence. The trees are just
decorative props. Recently,
reading Rosa Maria Cimino's Wall
Paintings of Rajasthan: Amber and Jaipur, I felt that the wall
paintings at Doraha bear some stylistic resemblance to those on some
monuments of Rajasthan, namely, the pavilion at Bairat, dated c. 1620,
the chhatri at Mairh (near
Bairat), the chhatri at Bhaopura, Zenana Mahal in Amber Palace, and the
so-called Makhdum Shah's cenotaph, also at Amber.[16]
The paintings share the same crude and static style. The figures
everywhere also are archaic.
Paintings
in the northeast quinch
In
particular one may note the similarity of the Krishna Venugopal figures
on the south-west upper chhatri of the Bairat pavilion with the Krishna
figure at Doraha; and the similarity of the galloping horse on Makhdum
Shah's cenotaph and Zenana Mahal of the Amber Palace with similar figure
in the southwest squinch at Doraha. It is probable that the Doraha wall
paintings also were the work of the same group of itinerant painters who
executed the wall paintings in the above-mentioned monuments around Amber
and Jaipur. The artists appear to have been Hindus who were trying to
imitate the new Mughal style and iconographies and at the same time
continuing to draw subjects from their stock of Hindu mythology. According
to Cimino, the paintings on the above-mentioned monuments around Jaipur
belong to the initial artistic phase of Rajasthani wall paintings
established during the reign of Raja Man Singh (1590-1614). H. Goetz also
labels the wall paintings at Bairat as "early Rajput wall
paintings".[17]
I wonder how apt this The
building at Bairat, is given the generic name of "garden house"
by H. Goetz. Dr. R. Nath calls it a Shikargah,
i.e., a hunting pavilion, of Emperor Jahangir, and dates its construction
about 1620.[18]
But the emperor does not mention its construction anywhere in his
memoirs. A similar building erected by Shah Quli Mahram (completed in
1001/1592-93), an influential noble of the court of Akbar, still survives
at Narnaul, some 65 kilometres north of Bairat.[19]
Thus not much can be said with certainty about the Bairat pavilion as the
buildings on this plan continued to be built during the reign of Jahangir.
On the other hand it is the similarity of the wall paintings at
Doraha with these can help to place the building during the reign of
Jahangir. In case of the Bairat pavilion the whole discussion revolves
around the assumption that it was built by Man Singh to which we have no
proof.
Krishna Venugopal with birds and cows – details from
southeast quinch As
far the date of the wall paintings at Doraha is concerned, these were
most probably contemporaneous with the building. The real name of the
sarai was Sarai Itimad al-Daula, as mentioned in the Abd al-Hamid
Lahori's Padshahnama.[20]
Shah Jahan while going to Lahore, halted here on 23 Ramzan 1043/23 March
1634. Itimad al-Daula was the title of Mirza Ghiyas Beg, the father of
Nur Jahan Begum, conferred upon him in 1014/1605-06. He died on 27
January 1622. So this sarai could have been built in between 1605 and
1622. The English traveller William Finch passing through Doraha in 1611
while travelling from Agra to Lahore, does not mention the existence of
the sarai whereas he distinctly mentions all other sarais en route.[21]
So the date of construction of the sarai lies somewhere between 1611 and
January 1622. And so does the date of the wall paintings in the sarai. Itimad
al-Daula was made wazir (Prime Minister) of the realm on 26th July 1611.
May be he ordered the construction of the sarai on this occasion.[22]
But the Persian noble who must have seen the finest painted decoration on
royal buildings, would not have felt much pleasure on seeing the work
executed under his own patronage. The
wall-paintings at Doraha, significant in their own right, can also help
in ascertaining the dates of wall-paintings at Bairat and the surrounding
area. • [Marg,
Vol 63 No. 3 March 2012-05-05 About the author
Subhash Parihar is now Professor of Museology Archaeology and Conservation in the
Central University of Punjab E: sparihar48@gmail.com [1]
Edward Maclagan: The Jesuits
and the Great Mogul, London 1932, pp. 237-40; Early
Travels in India, ed. William Foster, reprint Delhi 1968, p.
163; The Embassy of Sir
Thomas Roe to India (1615-1619), ed. William Foster,
reprint. Jalandhar 1993, p. 211; Fray Sebastian Manrique
1629-43, Oxford 1927, pp. 168, 207; Indian
Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ed. Surendranath Sen, Delhi
1949, p. 85. [2]
Maclagan, op. cit. (note 1), p. 239. [3]
The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur,
Prince and Emperor, trans. Wheeler M. Thackston, Washington 1996,
pl. on p. 417. The painting is attributed to Farrukh Beg. [4]
Milo Cleveland Beach: Mughal
and Rajput Painting, Cambridge 1992,
pl. 48. It was painted by Aqa Riza.. [5]
Philippa Vaughan: 'Miskin', Marg
42 June 1991), p. 33, pl. 14. The work is now in the British Library,
London, Or. 12208, f. 23v. [6]
Asok Kumar Das: Splendour of
Mughal Painting, Bombay 1986, pl. X. According to the author,
three replicas of this painting also exist in the Wantage Album
(Victoria and Albert Museum), the Kevorkian Album (Metropolitan Museum
of Art), and the Maharaja Sawai Man Singh II Museum, Jaipur. A fifth
version of this painting has also been found. Ibid., p. 38. [7]
Asok Kumar Das: Mughal
Painting during Jahangir's Reign, Calcutta 1978, p. 139, pl.
39. [8]
Elaine Wright: Muraqqa:
Imperial Mughal Albums from the Chester Beatty Library Dublin,
Alexandria 2008, p. 311 [9]
Milo Cleveland Beach & Ebba Koch: King
of the World: The Padshahnama, An Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the
Royal Library, Windsor Castle, London 1997, pl. 5. [10]
Ibid., pls. 38, 39, 44; Beach,
op. cit (note 4), pls.
D., 96. [11]
For wall-Paintings at Fatehpur Sikri, see, E. W. Smith: The
Moghul Architecture of Fathpur Sikri, repr. Delhi 1973,
frontispiece, CIX-CXX. The Mariam's House is also called Sonahra
Makan (the Golden House), probably on the basis of splendid
decoration on its walls which formerly "glistened with
gold." Smith, p. 3.
For wall-Paintings in Nur Jahan's Pavilion at Agra, see, Ebba
Koch: 'Notes on the Painted and Sculptured Decoration of Nur Jahan's
Pavilions in the Ram Bagh (Bagh-i Nur Afshan) at Agra'
Facets of Indian Art:
A Symposium held at the Victoria and Albert Museum on 26, 27, 28 April
and 1 May 1982, eds. R. Skelton et al, London 1986, pp. 51-65;
Catherine Asher: Architecture
of Mughal India, Cambridge 1992, p. 130;
For wall-Paintings in Arab Sarai, Delhi, see K.A. Thomas:
'Christian Paintings on a Mughal Monument', The Illustrated Weekly of
India May 10-16, 1981, p. 30. However, the conclusion K. A. Thomas arrives at that this gateway was a
part of a Christian chapel which "might have been built by the
Portuguese in the sixteenth century under royal patronage" is too
weird because paintings of Christian themes appear on many other
Mughal monuments also.
For wall-Paintings in Lahore Fort, see Ebba Koch: 'Jahangir and
the Angels: Recently Discovered Wall Paintings under European
Influence in the Fort of Lahore' India and the West: Proceedings of a Seminar Dedicated to the Memory of
Hermann Goetz, ed. J. Deppert, Delhi 1983, pp. 173-95; Beach, Mughal
and Rajput Painting, pl. 63. [12]
For some details of the Rang Mahal at Buria, see, Subhash Parihar: Mughal
Monuments in the Punjab and Haryana, Delhi 1985, pp. 44-45,
pls. 49-51. [13]
For a detailed description of the sarai see: Subhash Parihar: 'The
Mughal Sarai at Doraha— Architectural Study', East
& West 37 (December 1987), pp. 309-25; idem: Some
Aspects of Indo-Islamic Architecture, Delhi 1999, pp. 115-19,
pls. 49-67, figs. 17-20; idem: Land
Transport in Mughal India: Agra-Lahore Mughal Highway and its
Architectural Remains, Delhi 2008, pp. 219-27, figs. 40-45,
pls. VI, 78-84. [14]
According to the scholar Ilay Cooper, the Indian painters used for
colour red lead which was oxidised to black. Personal correspondence
(e-mail dated 17 April 2009). [15]
Of the panels on the exterior of the tomb of Muhammad Momin, the lower
panels have the vase and flowers motif and the upper panels that of a
flowering plant or a tree. Two of the upper panels of particular
interest. In one of these, there is a monkey sitting in a date palm
and in the second a serpent girdling the trunk of a tree.
The main motif used on the tomb of Jamal Khan is a flying bird.
Subhash Parihar: Some Aspects
of Indo-Islamic Architecture, Delhi 1999, pl. 111. [16]
Rosa Maria Cimino: Wall
Paintings of Rajasthan: Amber and Jaipur, Delhi 2001, figs.
1-9, 15-16, 21, 26, 35a, 35b, 38, 41. [17]
H. Goetz: 'The Early Rajput Wall paintings of Bairat (CA. A.D. 1587)',
Ars Orientalis 1
(1954), p. 114.
Commenting on the Bairat wall paintings, Dr. Kanwarjit Singh
Kang writes: These are free figures adopted from early Mughal
paintings resembling "old Egyptian relief's in profile on basis
of primitive drawings and simple colour contrasts."
Homage to Jaipur,
Bombay 1977, pp. 71-73, pl. 3. The author has borrowed this comparison
from H. Goetz, p. 116. [18]
R. Nath: History of Mughal Architecture, The Transitional Phase of Colour and Design, Jehangir, 1605-1627 A.D.,
Delhi 1994, III, p. 278. [19]
Mira Seth dates the building during the reign of Akbar (1556-1605) and
comments that from "stylistic point of view they seem to be
typical of the pre-Akbar Period." Indian
Painting: The Great Wall painting Tradition, Ahmadabad 2006, p.
349, pl. 308. [20]
Abdul Hamid Lahori,
Padshahnama, 2 vols, in 3 parts, ed. Kabiruddin Ahmad and Abdur
Rahim, Calcutta 1867-68,
Ib:9 [21]
Early Travels in India 1583-1619, ed. William Foster, rep. Delhi
1968, p. 158. [22]
It is strange that Shaikh Farid Bhakkari, the author of Dhakhiratul
Khawanin does not mention the erection of the sarai by Itimad al-Daula
whereas he mentions sarais built by the servants of Itimad al-Daula,
like Khwaja Ruz-bihan and Rai Govardhan Suraj Daj (Dhwaj). Nobility under he Great Mughals, trans. Z. A. Desai, Delhi 2003,
p. 3.
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