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                                      Koi dam ka mehman hoon ai ahle mehfil, Chiragh-e-seher hoon, bujha chahta hoon 
 “I am a guest only for a few moments, my companions/ I am the lamp that burns  before dawn and longs to be extinguished”
 
 
 This couplet by Iqbal ended the last letter Bhagat Singh wrote to his younger  brother Kurtar Singh from the death cell. The letter was in Urdu, adorned with  quite a few couplets. The dawn of freedom came 17 years after Bhagat embraced  death but – as Bhagat had feared and as Faiz lamented – it was a ‘stained  light, a night-bitten dawn, not the dawn we yearned for.’ Bitten by imperial  manoeuvrings and stained with the blood of the hundreds of thousands that  perished in communal carnage.
 
 Those whose Pakistani sensibilities are hurt today at the thought of the  ‘terrorist’ Bhagat being one of us are not much different from those who  decried the ‘communist’ Faiz as not being one of us, for having composed such  an un-Pakistani poem as Subhe-Azadi (Dawn of Freedom) on the eve of  independence.
 
 Bhagat would have been the greatest admirer of Faiz’s masterpiece. For he had  composed a poem of his own with his struggle and the ultimate sacrifice – with  the hope that the dawn millions were yearning for would mean true freedom –  from the foreign yoke, from the ‘national’ parasites and oppressors, from class  exploitation and religious bigotry.
 
 From the platform of the Naujawan Bharat Sabah, a popular youth front for the  HSRA founded by Bhagat Singh, he and his comrades had worked tirelessly for  religious and social harmony among the oppressed and exploited of all religions  and creeds. The Sabah was scathing in its attack on communalism in its  manifesto:
 
 “The mere cutting of the branch of [the] Pipal tree hurts the religious  feelings of the Hindus. They get excited. God gets infuriated at the mere  tearing of the paper Tazia of the Iconoclasts and they do not rest till they  shed the blood of the unholy Hindus. Man is more valuable than animals. But here  in India we are breaking one another’s head in the name of holy animals. The  morbidity of communalism has blurred our sight while the youth of the world are  thinking in terms of internationalism.”
 
 The morbidity of communalism was to lead to the bloodiest ever ‘independence’  in human history which united Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims all in a universal  dance of murder, rape and plunder. Maulana Maudoodi called it the pangs of the  birth of a beast. Condemn Maudoodi as we may – as Zeno did in his devastating  polemics against him – it is difficult to see how Bhagat would not have seen a  beast howling somewhere amid the blood and gore of Partition.
 
 But his ideological and moral ethos would have been radically different.  Maudoodi, who may be one of us to those to whom Bhagat is not, refused to fight  imperialism or work for freedom either on the side of the Congress or the  Muslim League, or other Muslim/Islamic organisations because he thought that  such a conflict would “close the door of the English heart” towards the message  of Islam! Bhagat would have found this reasoning only a bit more bizarre than  he found the ‘anti-imperialist’ Gandhi’s pacifism and his ‘change of heart’  theory vis-à-vis imperialism.
 
 
 
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 The Naujawan Bharat Sabah aimed to organise labour and peasants and assist  various movements that it thought could help establish an “independent republic  of labourers and peasants.” Working towards these goals among the peasants,  workers and youth, it also condemned imperialism in all its forms and called  for the independence of other enslaved people. In the words of BN Sanyal, a  Sabah leader: “It is also necessary that China and Kabul be with us. If any  atrocities are perpetrated on them … we shall have to check it and ask the  people of our country… not to fire at, kill them and enslave them. If those  countries are in bondage, it is our first and foremost duty to free them.”
 
 Irfan Habib, who has given a fascinating account of the Sabah’s work in Punjab  and other areas, has concluded that – unlike the Congress which offered only  swaraj to the masses and sidetracked the peasants and workers demands for  emancipation – the Sabah had a definite aim and a clear ideology to offer which  also included stopping the imperialist onslaught on other countries.
 
 
 
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 The ‘secularist’ and liberal lovers of Bhagat, particularly on our side of the  border, tend to forget a few things about Bhagat and his comrades’ secularism  as they go about building a romance around it. Their secularism was informed by  an unflinching opposition to capitalism and imperialism and an unwavering  commitment to the emancipation of their people from the economic and spiritual  misery wrought on them by imperialists and their local puppets.
 
 Theirs was an emancipatory secularism that never had to choose between imperial  patrons and the dark, uncivilised, uncouth creatures engaged in a sometimes  ‘savage’ and sometimes subdued struggle for survival. They were not frightened  of their own people, nor did they hold them in contempt. Their radical  intellect, their immense zeal was not for sale for the purpose of imperial  war-mongering. They saw the people suffer, they suffered with them, and for  them.
 
 While they did that, they indulged in no justification of superstitions and  bigotry harboured by the people and exploited by their oppressors. They fought  that too, as they struggled for and with the people. The people who were  Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Sikhs, who could be from any sect or ethnicity;  but who were, above all, the working classes. It is these people for whose  freedom they lived and died. For our revolutionaries these classes had the  inherent ability to transform the meaning of the whole independence struggle.  So the revolutionaries fought with them, taught them their vision, and also  learned from them how and why they felt the way they did and fought the way  they did.
 
 These revolutionaries were in their 20s – they were bound to make mistakes, but  all their mistakes and insights, all their deeds and misdeeds, all their gains  and failures were born out of the one vision that set them aflame, the vision  of true freedom, which meant the end of capitalist exploitation and  colonial/imperial subjugation in a free world. They died for a different kind  of freedom; they lived a different kind of secularism.
 
 Tailpiece: Kuldip Nayar in his book on Bhagat Singh has wrongly attributed the  aforementioned couplet by Iqbal to Ghalib. More surprisingly, in her  translation of Nayar’s work, Fehmida Riaz too failed to correct it.
 
 To be continued
 
 This is the third part of a series. The first two parts, ‘Bhagat Singh: for the  deaf to hear’, appeared on March 23 and 24.
 
 The writer is editor oped, The News. Email: redzain@yahoo.com
   Frome :  THE NEWS  March 30, 2014   |