Jinnah and the leaders of
the Punjab (1935-1947)
M.
A. from Government College, Lahore
M. Phil. From university of the Punjab
Ph. D. Government College Lahore
and university of Southampton (continued)
Mavra Farooq
mavrafarooq1@hotmail.com
Abstract:
According
to Jinnah, Punjab was the cornerstone of Pakistan. The Unionist
Party's rule and Khzir Hayat Tiwana played a key role in the
increase of Muslim League's influence in the Punjab from 1942-47.
Jinnah had some clashes with the leaders of Punjab. Khzir Hayat
Tiwana had a different mandate with his own vision of a United
Punjab within a decentralised federal India. In 1944, Khizr
frequently clashed with Jinnah. The Punjab Muslim League thereafter
waged an ever more bitter campaign against him. Khizr labelled
Jinnah as Kafir. Mock funerals were held outside Khizr's house and
during the last weeks of his tenure he was received everywhere with
black flags by protest demonstrations.
Jinnah had become the
inspirational father, the first Governor General, the first
President of Constituent Assembly and the first Head of the State of
Pakistan. He worked as an "ambassador of Hindu-Muslim
unity" but ended his career as the unbending spirit and
architect of the partition of sub- continent in 1947. The main
purpose of this research article is to explore the relations of
Jinnah with the leaders of Punjab. ' Mostly historians have
neglected the relations between the leaders of Punjab and Jinnah.
Jinnah had many clashes with the leaders of Punjab. The main
question is why the leaders of Punjab had ideological clashes with
Jinnah. Khizr Hayat had denounced him as 'Kafir. Moreover, why did
Khzir not pragmatically ally himself with the League once it was
clear that the British were leaving? Such 'progressive' Pakistani
writers as Imran Ali and Tariq Ali find Khizr an equally unenticing
figure. He represents the secular coalition between the feudalists
and the colonial state which enlarged the chasm between the rural
rich and poor. 'Khizr personifies the loyalism of a class, whose
influence was shored up by the British who amply rewarded it with
property and titles.'
Khizr Hayat's role in 1947 raises a number of
questions for the Muslims of Continent. What cultural and political
constraints lay behind his much flaunted cry of 'Punjab for the
Punjabis?' Why did he not display the traditional Tiwana
buccaneering and accommodate himself to the Muslim league advance?
'History of Tiwana and the culture of 'a moral familism' should have
convinced him to unrestraint the unionist programme. The article
contemplates on the clash between Khizer's vision of Punjab's future
and that envisioned by the Two Nations Theory. Substantial
consideration is devoted to the Jinnah- Khizr talks 1944 and their
political upshot. There is also an attempt to explicate why Khizr
sustained with an influence- partaking preparation, despite the
crushing electoral defeat in the rural constituencies in 1946.
Jinnah's relation with Khizr Hayat Tiwana
Khizr was undoubtedly influenced by his times, his
education and his social upbringing. He was opened up the
possibility of political power and influence. Land ownership held
the key to power in Punjab and Tiwana held the most land in its
western regions. Punjab's communal conformation also decreed that
only a Muslim could hold office as premier. That is why it was Khizr
not Chhotu Ram who succeeded Sikander.
Khizr assumed that partition would split the stuff
of Punjabi society and extinguish a whole way of life. He observed
the Muslim League's demand as based on the hatred of the non-
Muslim. He maintained that there was nothing in the Koran that made
the creation of Pakistan a sacred act. On the contrary, the demand
of the partition was profoundly un-Islamic in the true sense of
words of Khizer's personal distaste for Jinnah arose from what he
saw as the latter's hypocrisy in using religion for his own
political interests, when he possessed only a fundamental knowledge
of Islam himself and did not practice it in a sacramental wisdom.
Khizer's supplement to political lodging was
inverted in the agitated days of the end of empire. But this
approach remains highly noteworthy for the present-day Indian
subcontinent which has perceived a recurrence of communal hatred and
violence.
In cross Communal Punjab Unionist Party was
dominated. In 1923 Hindu Jat and Muslim Rajputs founded it. Khizr
Hayat was its last leader. The political characteristic of Khizer
was his loyalty to the Raj. He relieved nationalist politician as
manipulators who were out of touch with the 'real India'. His out
looked was rooted in is family history. By the end of his career
such loyalty neither was nor reciprocated. Throughout 1945-46, he
depended on heavily on the advice of the British Governor Sir
Bertrand Glancy. An honest and highly upright man himself, Khizr
never considered that the British might recklessness their Unionist
allies. He was shocked by Wavell's 'capitulation' to Jinnah at the
time of the 1945 Simla Conference and later believed that Attlee had
deliberately deluded him concerning British intentions regarding the
timing of the British withdrawal. It may have been wishful thinking,
but he had hoped for the smack of firm government, not miserable
surrender with the following chaos of partition. Khizr typically did
not; however allow a sense of infidelity to spoil his friendship
with former officials. Khizr's loyalism was not based on self-
interest, but rather on the belief that the imperial connection
ensured the Punjab's progress. After the 1946 provincial elections,
he brought together the feuding Congress and Akali parties in a
final unsuccessful attempt to shore up Punjab's communal harmony. In
short he was a realistic practitioner of consociation democracy.
From October 1937 onwards, Sikander had exacted
high price for his upholding Jinnah at the centre. This was nothing
less than the complete subordination of the Muslim League within
Punjab. A pact had been concluded between Sikander and Jinnah at the
historic Lucknow session. Its conflicting interpretation later
caused much trouble between Khizr and Jinnah. In 1930s, the
Unionists however held all the cards. Jinnah therefore did not
challenge their views at the same time as Muslim unionists could
join the Muslim League; this was not to affect the continuation of
the existing coalition ministry in Punjab. This would still be
called the unionist party. In return of Punjabi Muslims much needed
support in Indian politics; Jinnah consented in an essential
take-over of the province of Muslim League by Sikander and his
supports.
Jinnah and Khizr Hayat Tiwana relations troubled
had been disinfecting between the unionist party and the Muslim
League ever since the Delhi Council session of March 1943. It had
put Khizr on audition to begin a dynamic Muslim League assembly
party even if it jeopardised the running of his ministry. The storm
finally broke in April 1944. Jinnah and Khizr resonated at each
other through the columns of the press following the collapse of
their consultations. The conflict became so intense that Punjab
premier was unprecedently disqualified from the AIML.
The suppositions appeared to stalk from an
outwardly in offensive disagreement over the detail of the pact
which Jinnah had signed with Khizr's successor, Sikander in 1937.
The Muslim League grouped was established under its own terms, in
Punjab assembly, should in future adopt the Muslim League tag with
the result that the government should be named the Muslim League
alliance ministry. Instead of Unionist ministry.
In 1943, the Governor of Punjab warned that 'the
main threat to our political tranquillity comes from Jinnah and the
Muslim League.' The Muslim League's view was the religious community
was the basic source of political identity. The Unionist party
however, viewed communal cooperation. Contradiction over Sikander
Jinnah Pact became inevitable. The stakes were so high for Khizr. He
was personally committed to the Unionist vision. He knew that
anxiety about the imperial war effort and awarded the consequences
of the Muslim League rocking the boat in the sword of arms of India.
British already shared these worries. The Viceroy Lord Wavell noted
to Glancy in 1944, 'the dissolution of the Unionist Ministry and the
substitution of a Muslim league ministry such as Jinnah wants will
be a disaster. I very much hope that Khizr will look at the matter
from this point of view and rally the Unionists.' Lord Wavell and
Mountbatten found Khizr personally charming more than Jinnah's
personality.
The beliefs and up bring of Khizr were crucial at
this point. He has lack of political ambition; cross communal family
relationships all inclined him towards a 'fool hardy' course of
opposing Jinnah. Jinnah ordered to his Secretary that every member
of the Muslim League Party in Punjab assembly should declare that he
owes his allegiance solely to the Muslim League in the Assembly and
not to the Unionist party or any other party, whilst Punjab premier
refused to renounce the Unionist party name. Jinnah declared Khizr
that he was a 'mad man' and you will regret this rest of your life.
I would like to choose four main apprehensions.
Firstly, the Punjab Muslim League, between the years 1943-1947,
developed as the actual figure of the Muslims of Punjab. The Punjab
Muslim League was supported from under and its strength simply
demoted the Unionist Party, urban elite, rural landed aristocracy,
Pirs and eroded their social bases. Secondly, the diplomacy, the
tactics, leadership and planning of M. A. Jinnah provided strength
and motivation to Punjab Provincial Muslim League and the Muslims of
Punjab and guided them towards the goal of Pakistan. The political
climate of the Muslim Punjab and its association with the diplomacy
and politics of Jinnah, thirdly, elevated Jinnah to the position of
an icon. The Imperialist and Cambridge historians, Marxist and
Nationalist historians of India and even the nationalist historians
of Pakistan are of the opinion that Jinnah and Punjab Muslim League
at first organized the strong support of the urban elite, rural
landed aristocracy, Pirs and Sajjada-Nashins who subsequently won
over the Muslims of Punjab for the cause of the Muslim League and
Pakistan. It has been suggested by these scholars that the demand of
Pakistan in the Muslim Punjab was based on the vertical mobilization
and it was not a mass movement. It has been further argues by these
scholars that the Muslims of the Punjab entered to the ranks of the
Muslim League either because of total factional rivalries or the
changes brought about by the Second World War but not to support the
popular demand of Pakistan. Fourthly Iqbal was the Idealist of
Pakistan and Jinnah its Architect. Apart from this wider link
between these two, it attempts to study a little known area of their
concrete cooperation. In late 1920, political interaction began
between M.A. Jinnah and Iqbal which flourished into a working
partnership in revitalising the Muslim Organization in the vital
province of Punjab. On 20 March, 1927 a "Unity Conference was
held at Delhi at which M. A. Jinnah as President of the League and
Srinivasa lynger as President of Congress "concluded an
agreement which came to be known as "Delhi Proposals." The
Congress refusal to do so trembled M. A. Jinnah's confidence in that
organization once for all. Meanwhile the British Government set up
the Simon Commission "to make recommendations for future
constitutional reforms in India". The Commission visited India
from February to March 1928 and again from October 1928 to April
1929. The Muslim League split into two divisions on the question of
the approach to be assumed towards the commission.
One section of the League led M. A. Jinnah as President and Dr.
Kitchlew as Secretary. The other was led by Muhammad Shafi
(President) and Iqbal (Secretary). The Shafi unit of the league met
in Lahore (1928). It vetoed the "Delhi Proposals" and
offered cooperation to the Simon Commission. Meeting in Calcutta
(1928) the Jinnah League disclaimed the Shafi faction, adopted the
"Delhi Proposals" and declared its non-cooperation with
the Simon Commission. The "Delhi Proposals" thus contained
the germ of Pakistan. The All-India Congress Committee
"Substantially accepted the 'Muslim proposals" in a
resolution passed in May 1927.
In December 1927, Sub-Committees were appointed
both by the League and the Congress to prepare an agreed draft based
on the "Delhi Proposals" of the constitution of a
self-governing India. The Punjab Muslim League, under the leadership
of Mian Muhammad Shafi, Mian Fazl-i-Husain and Iqbal elevated a
voice of discord from the "Delhi Proposals".
The, Congress, too, betrayed the Delhi Agreement
by adopting the Nehru Committee Report. The Shafi League convened a
meeting in Lahore in May 1928 and proceeded to draft a memorandum
for the Simon Commission. Iqbal urged the imperative necessity of
provincial autonomy.
Nevertheless, the Shamsul Hasan Collection tells
that 'Jinnah and Punjab Muslim League, simply provoked the common
Punjabi Muslims, rural and urban, to participate in a powerful mass
movement for the demand of Pakistan.
' To substantiate my opinion I would like to
denote a letter of Nawab Iftikhar Hussain Khan of Mamdot to Mr.
Jinnah dated July 19, 1944 stating that, "we are having very
great success in our public meetings. You must have read about two
big meetings, one in the Skeikhupura district and the other at
Montgomery. I attach more importance to the Montgomery meeting
because it was exactly ten days after an official meeting, which was
attended by Khizar Hayat Khan and Chhotu Ram. The attendance in
their meeting was 492 while in spite of all official resistance the
gathering in our meeting was decidedly more than ten thousands. Even
the big zamindars have discarded the fear and have started attending
the meetings freely." This letter is the obvious indication to
propose that the Punjab Muslim League began to begin as the Muslim
mass movement as early as by the middle of 1944. The language of
this letter further suggest that such meeting were attended by the
common Punjabi Muslims and only a handful of rural landed nobility
may have appeared these meetings.
In this connection I refer one document of the
years 1945 and 1946 respectively. On January 19, 1945, Mian Mumtaz
Daulatana has stated to Jinnah that, "work in the Punjab is
going on very satisfactorily. Every day the League is getting
stronger and closer to our people. We hope to be invincible by the
end of the year." M. A. Jinnah has stayed Punjab on the eve of
the Provincial Legislative Assembly elections and on January 18,
1946, Jinnah issued a press statement as beneath, "I was very
glad to see with my own eyes that there is a tremendous upsurge and
complete solidarity among the Muslims of the Punjab. I have notices
a remarkable and revolutionary change. First the Musalman do not
suffer any longer from fear complex or dread of the tin Gods of the
Punjab…. They have secured a freedom of thought and speech and now
these elections have given them an opportunity to act as free men
and I am confident of our success in the Punjab."
The overhead explanations made by Mumtaz Daulatana
and Jinnah suggested that Punjab Muslim League throughout the years
of 1944-1946 had truly began as the real mass body of the Muslims of
Punjab. The correspondence between the leaders of Punjab Muslim
League and Jinnah of this period clearly expose that the impulsive
reaction of the Muslims of Punjab to the demand of Pakistan led to
the emergence of the Muslim mass movement. On this issue the Shamsul
Hasan Collection covers the communication of all the Provincial
leaders of the Muslim League, prominent among them were: Iftikhar
Hussain Mamdot, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Malik Barkat Ali, Mian
Mumtaz Daultana, Mian Bashir Ahmad, Raja Ghaznafar Ali Khan, Sir
Syed Maratib Ali, Nawabzada Rashid Ali Khan, Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz,
Lady Vicky Noon, Fatima Begum, M. Zafraullah, Khan Bahadur Nazir
Ahmad Khan, Ghulam Bhik Nairang,M. Rafi Butt and Malik Firoz Khan
Moon,
The historians and researchers like Penderl Moon, Peter Hardy, David
Page, Anita Inder Singh, Ayesha Jalal, Stanley Wolpert, Hector
Bolitho, Ian B. Wells and Ajeet Jawed gave views that Jinnah as such
a leader who followed cross political agenda. However, the Shamsul
Hasan Collection exposes such an opinion about Jinnah, the
Quaid-i-Azam, particularly in standings of his part in the politics
of Punjab. These documents propose that Jinnah and leaders of the
Punjab Muslim League were dealing with matters like culture,
society, religion, economy, finance, industry, scientific
development, press, education and the position of women, thus,
adding meaning to the Muslim Nationalism. Jinnah and a few leaders
of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League frequently exchanged their
views and observations regarding the industrial and scientific
development for the Muslims of Punjab and for the uplift of the
common economic and fiscal conditions of the Muslim Punjab.
Prominent among those who were concerned with the economic and
industrial development of the Muslim Punjab were M. Rafi Butt, Syed
Maratib Ali, M.M. Khan, Mohammad Ismail Khan and Adbur Samad
Khan." The Shamsul Hasan Collection undertakes massive
significance in case the scholars may make an attempt to know the
views, observations and efforts of the Punjab Muslim League's
leaders and of M.A. Jinnah concerning the modern educational
development for the Muslims of Punjab. In addition to the schemes
about the educational development the leaders like M. Rafi Butt,
Ahmad Shafi, Professor Abdul Haye and Lady Vicky Noon used to debate
the issues like language, literature and the growth of the exclusive
Muslim press in the Punjab. A glimpse into these documents reveals
to the readers that issues like political affairs. External matters
and the relations of the Muslim India with the outside world were
thoroughly discussed between M. A. Jinnah and the leaders like M.
Rafi Butt, Ashiq Hussain Batalvi, M. H. Humayun, Sheikh Gul
Muhammad, Mrs. K. L. Rallia Ram, Begum Jahan Ara Shah Mawaz and Lady
Vicky Moon.
The Shamsul Hasan Collection enlightens that the
problems like formulating of the constitution and constitutional
relations between the Muslim India and Britain also attracted the
consideration of Jinnah and the leaders of the Punjab Muslim League.
Penderel Moon, Peter Hardy, Hector Bolitho,
Stanley Wolpert, Ayesha Jalal and Asim Roy have all depicted that
Jinnah as a shrewd bargainer of the high politics of the partition
of India. These scholars have projected Jinnah as a leader with
aristocratic and taciturn personality who always moved and
interacted within the elite corridors and sometimes would avoid even
trembling hands with the people, especially with the common man.
Jinnah has been anticipated by these scholars such a masterful
leader who would always marshal his powers while tightening his hold
on the sword arm of his primary nation Pakistan. He has been viewed
as claiming sole spokesman of the All India Muslim League who was
always worried to strife his customary prattle of tongues. These
historians have perceived Jinnah as an obstinate, self-interested
and ambitious politician and for-sighted statesman who was always
concern with his personal political achievements and victories and
was less concern with the real interests and ambitions of the Muslim
masses.
However, the Shamsul Hasan Collection has challenged such charges
against Jinnah and these documents brings to our knowledge that
Jinnah was always collaborating with all the sections of the Muslim
Punjab and was always responding to the masses which improves new
dimensions to his already and otherwise projected reticent and
aristocratic personality. Jinnah was communicating not only with the
leaders and workers of the Punjab Muslim League but also with the
students, school teachers, College and University professors,
scientists, doctors, people from the press, men of the religious
affairs, any Punjabi Muslim either with urban or rural background
including a motor mechanic from Lahore. These documents suggest that
Jinnah virtually emerged as an able organizer of Punjab Provincial
Muslim League and if required would like to answer even a small
query from any section of the Muslim Punjab. The procedure of
institutionalization of the Muslim League and Jinnah moved towards
realistically in this highly valuable Collection.
After a careful inspection of the Shamsul Hasan Collection it
appears to me that during the years 1943-1947, Jinnah became
necessary part of the Muslim Punjab and its political climate.
During this period Jinnah was regularly associated with the each and
every level of the Muslim politics and society. He directed the
Muslims of Punjab on the political, social, economic, cultural,
literary and constitutional matters raised his position to the
status of an image in the eyes of the Punjabi Muslims. In order to
authenticate my view point I would like to refer two documents from
this Collection. On November 20, 1944, M. A. Hussain wrote to Jinnah
that, "I write to you as an obedient and dutiful son to a
loving father. After all, you are indeed the 'Father of the Muslim
Nation' and I think that every Muslim should look upon you as his
father". On June 15, 1945, Mian Mumtaz Daultana wrote to Jinnah
in the similar vein that, "There is no question, Sir, that what
you will decide should be best for the Muslims of India. You, Sir,
have never made a mistake. Every Muslamans knows that and, if it is
for struggle you decide, and if need be against all the powers of
the world, then struggle is right and we are prepared as one
man." It can be asserted on the bases of the Shamsul Hasan
Collection that the love, affection, devotion and concern of Jinnah
towards the Muslim Punjab raised his status to such a position which
hitherto had not been enjoyed by anyone else.
It has been suggested by Penderel Moon and Peter
Hardy that the position and strength of the All India Muslim League
helped the Punjab Provincial Muslim League to consolidate its
position and demand of Pakistan in the Punjab. It has been suggested
by these historians that on the eve of the Provincial Legislative
Assembly elections of 1946, the Muslim Unionists of Punjab were
undermined by the revelation of the strength of the All India Muslim
League and thus they found themselves not to match with the Punjab
Provincial Muslim League.
The Shamsul Hasan Collection exposes that the correspondence of Lady
Vicky Noon always assisted Jinnah to formulate his tactics,
strategies and plots towards the Muslim politics of Punjab. Jinnah,
on September 10, 1946, wrote to Lady Vicky Noon that, 'Of course,
you will appreciate my difficulties in not dealing with the several
matters that you have brought to my notice by means of
correspondence, nor do you expect me to do so, but I am looking
forward to meet you very soon, when I may be able to discuss all the
points that you have brought to my notice".
The Shamsul Hasan Collection also brings to our
knowledge that the statistical strength of the women leadership of
the Punjab Provincial Muslim League and their number of
participation during the movement for the demand of Pakistan was not
as large as was of the men. However, in the given socio-cultural
environment of the Muslim society, even such participation was a
significant aspect in the historical perspective. For all practical
purposes the Muslim women of the Punjab were the most backward among
all the communities and under the given circumstances it was no
doubt a creditable development that the Muslim women, rural or
urban, were not only politicized but they were made to take active
part for the demand of Pakistan. The Shamsul Hasan Collection
discloses that it was largely under the leadership and inspiration
of Jinnah that the Muslim women of the Punjab were politicized.
Mrs. K. L. Rallia Ram was the most frantic non- Leaguer communicator
to Jinnah. The Collections contains 27 letters of Mrs. K. L. Rallia
Ram to M. A. Jinnah. Mrs. Rallia Ram, an Indian Christian and
General-Secretary of the Indian Social Congress was the
mother-in-law of Mohammad Younus, Secretary of Abdul Gaffar Khan,
the Frontier Gandhi. She wrote to Jinnah on May 29, 1946 that,
"Mr. Jinnah should not give up the demand for an equal
sovereign state. The oppressed and disgraced of the Hindus must have
placed to run to and take shelter. Pakistan will be a refuge for
such people." Mrs. K. L. Rallia Ram considered the Indian
National Congress as the body of the Caste Hindus intending to
establish the Caste Hindu rule in India. The correspondence of Mrs.
K. L. Rallia Ram immensely assisted M. A. Jinnah to know the latest
political developments in the Punjab and also to formulate his
strategies regarding the growth of the Pakistan movement in the
Punjab. M. A. Jinnah always appreciated this gesture and wrote to
Mrs. K. L. Rallia Ram on November 1946 that, "Many thanks for
your letter of the November 18, 1946 and the previous one which I
have been receiving. They are very encouraging and full of
information, and I thank you for all the trouble that you are
taking, and the press cutting sent by you, are very instructive
indeed. I shall always welcome your communication." However,
the case of Mrs. K. L. Rallia Ram is worth searching especially her
retaliation towards the Hindus. Historians and scholars may
corroborate other sources in order to probe the case of Mrs. K. L.
Rallia Ram.
The recent historians and scholars have debated
the issue of Jinnah's address to the first session of the Pakistan
Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947, where he has stated that,
"you may belong to any religion or caste or creed….. That has
nothing to do with the fundamental principle that we are all
citizens and equal citizens of the one State….. And you will find
in course of time, Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would
cease to be Muslims not in the religions sense, because that is the
personal faith of the each individual but in the political sense of
the citizens of the State."
The Shamsul Hasan Collection informs that it was
not only after the foundation of the Pakistan that Jinnah began to
talk about the model and modern State concept but it was even before
the foundation of the Pakistan that Jinnah declared that all the
minorities along with the Muslim majority will be treated equal in
the new found State of Pakistan. According to my viewpoint, Jinnah
was building a Muslim majority state but not the Islamic State.
Islamic symbols and religious requirements were supported by the
Punjab Muslim League during the operation for Pakistan, however, all
these were only the tactical move suggested by Jinnah and these
Islamic Symbols were not the bases of the movement.
Whatever occurred between February 13, 1947 to
August 151947, the Shamsul Hasan Collection sustains an implicit
silence and there is only one letter of this period dated April, 30,
1947. Such gaps are glaring and raised a number of questions
especially keeping in view the most disgraceful public situation in
the Punjab during this period. Perhaps the events had overtaken the
Muslim League and the leaders and the League as a body now found
itself unable to check the increasing amount of communal resentment.
The Punjab Provincial Muslim League broke its silence only on the
eve of the foundation of Pakistan and on August 14, 1947, Sardar
Shaukat Hayat Khan as a spokesman of the League issued a statement
at Lahore that, "The Punjab Provincial Muslim League has
decided that there will be no celebrations and rejoicing on the
occasion of the Transfer of Power on August 15, 1947, anywhere in
the West Punjab. The day will be dedicated to prayer meetings
particularly after the Juma congregational prayers, for the
greatness and glory of the Punjab and safety and well-being of the
Muslims in the minority areas."
No doubt, the Shamsul Hasan Collection undertakes
immense significance in terms of the study of the growth and
strength of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League, consolidation of
the relationship which existed between M.A. Jinnah and the Punjab
Muslim League and the emergence of Jinnah as an Image in the eyes of
the Muslim Punjab. However, the information provided by this
valuable Collection may not be considered as an all-time gospel
truth by the historians and researchers. A critical mind and the
applications of the modern tackles of research in history may be
adopted by the historians while rebuilding the history of this
phase, which was the most turbulent period of the colonial Punjab,
on the basis of this brilliant Collection. I would like to compile
an article on the same words; "Few individuals significantly
alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world
hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation State. M. Ali
Jinnah did all three."
Notes and references:
Ian Talbot, Khizr Tiwana: the Punjab Unionist party and the
partition of India. Surrey: Curzon press,1996.
S.Q. Hussain Jafri (ed.), Quaid-i-Azam's Correspondence with
Punjab Muslim Leaders, Lahore, 1977.
Lionel Carter (ed.), Punjab Politics, January 1944-3 March
1947: Governor's Fortnightly Reports and other Key Documents,
New Delhi, 2006.
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad (ed.), Speeches and Writings of Mr.
Jinnah, 2 Volumes, Lahore, 1970.
