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Intelligence
about private armies and sale and movement of arms and ammunition had
been collected by the Punjab administration since a long time, and the
fact that a very large population in Punjab had served in the army
should have left no doubt that a bloodbath would occur if proper
arrangements were not made to prevent it. The Sikhs could always use
their kirpans as daggers. They were also better organised for the final
showdown.
Governor Jenkins requested at least four divisions of troops under
British command to supervise the partition, but the British government
replied curtly that no such divisions existed. Mountbatten remained
supremely confident that Jinnah, Nehru, Patel, Tara Singh, Giani Kartar
Singh and others would exercise their influence in seeing to it that the
partition of Punjab could be carried out peacefully without causing any
displacement of people!
My extensive interviews with Muslim survivors from East Punjab show that
almost nobody in the rural areas had any idea that Punjab will be
partitioned; much less that they will have to abandon hearth and home.
Hindus and Sikhs in the villages and small towns of western Punjab were
equally unaware of what lay in store for them, although half a million
had moved eastwards beginning from March 1947.
Conspiracy theories have surrounded the Radcliffe Award of August 17,
but a serious analysis would reveal that it largely followed the
"contiguous population" principle and "other factors" were only
recognised partially. Thus despite Sikh and Hindu arguments about owning
75 per cent or more property in Lahore and other districts of Lahore
division they were given to Pakistan including Nankana Sahib, the
birthplace of Guru Nanak; so were the canal colonies of Lyallpur and
Montgomery where the Sikhs owned nearly 75 per cent of rich agricultural
land.
In any event, the Sikh holy city of Amritsar remained in India because
Amritsar district had a non-Muslim majority. But three tehsils of the
Gurdaspur district on the eastern bank of the Ravi -- Gurdaspur, Batala
and Pathankot (non-Muslim majority) -- were given to India, although the
district as a whole had a very narrow Muslim majority of 51.1 per cent.
Thus the non-Muslim majority Ferozepur district in the southwest and
Gurdaspur district (minus Shakargarh which was on the western bank of
the Ravi and given to Pakistan) in the northeast and the Wagah-Attari
region in the middle were connected to form an international border more
or less equidistant between Lahore and Amritsar. From Lahore the border
followed the Ravi upwards into Kashmir.
For serious scholars of the Radcliffe Award it would be interesting to
note that it corresponded exactly to the Breakdown Plan which Viceroy
Wavell had sent as a top secret document to London on February 7, 1946.
Wavell believed that the British should pull out quickly in case of an
uprising. He had proposed a border in a partitioned Punjab, which was
identical to the Radcliffe Award.
From August 18 onwards hell literally broke loose, especially in East
Punjab where troops from the Sikh states such as Patiala, Nabha and
Faridkot were involved in the attacks. The successor governments of East
and West Punjab proved thoroughly incompetent in protecting the lives of
the minorities. There is abundant evidence that the administrations
turned partisan on both sides. Suddenly the greatest involuntary
migration in history began to take place.
The Punjab Boundary Force was disbanded on September 1 as it proved to
be completely ineffective and in some cases partisan. The Indian and
Pakistani military then agreed to form mixed units to supervise transfer
of populations. This formula worked much better and hundreds of
thousands of lives could be saved, but even their best efforts proved to
be grossly inadequate.
From East Punjab some six million Muslims tried to cross the border into
Pakistan while some four million Hindus and Sikhs moved in the opposite
direction from West Punjab. According to Sir Penderel Moon 60,000 Hindus
and Sikhs were killed in West Punjab and twice as many: 120,000 Muslims
in East Punjab. This estimate is too low. Justice G D Kholsa claimed
that at least 500,000 died, of which 200,000 to 250,000 were Hindus and
Sikhs. He admitted that more Muslims were killed in East Punjab than
Hindus and Sikhs in West Punjab. Lt-General (r) Aftab Ahmad Khan who
served in the Punjab Boundary Force and then in the Pakistani force that
along with Indian units escorted refugee conveys across the border,
claimed in a letter to me that at least 500,000 Muslims lost their
lives.
I have done interviews on both sides of Punjab. There is no doubt that
many more Muslims lost their lives. Between 700,000 and 800,000 Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs perished altogether. That year the monsoons were also
in a bloody mood. A large number of deaths was the result of cholera,
dysentery, malaria and typhoid which plagued the refugee camps and the
caravans on the move.
Good people from all communities helped their neighbours and friends and
even complete strangers. The Khaksars did a great job in protecting
Hindus and Sikhs in Rawalpindi while in Amritsar the communists will
never be forgotten for saving thousands of lives.
The Sikh hordes did not touch Muslims who crossed into Malerkotla State,
but those just a few feet away from its borders were cut down without
any mercy. Thanks to Guru Gobind Singh's instructions, the Muslims of
Malerkotla were not to be harmed come what may in the future because the
Nawab had not complied with the demands of the Mughals to arrest the
Guru's minor sons who were passing through his State. Malerkotla is the
only Muslim-majority town in East Punjab and elects one member of the
East Punjab Assembly.
The killing units on both sides were formed by nexuses of local
political bosses, police, corrupt magistrates, badmashes (criminals),
fanatical religious figures and drug addicts from all the communities.
The gangs excelled each other in inflicting cruelty on hapless men,
women and children. Revenge, "communal honour", loot and lust were the
main factors that impelled them to commit crimes against humanity. There
was nothing remotely noble about their conduct. In this regard the
shameful role of communal newspapers needs to be particularly condemned.
They played a most vicious role in creating the mindset that demonised
and dehumanised rival communities.
As far as the main leadership is concerned, we should note that a
Gandhi-Jinnah peace appeal was issued as early as mid April 1947, but it
did little to change the situation on the ground. Jawaharlal Nehru
intervened personally to save the lives of thousands of Muslims in
Batala and Jalandhar while the goondas of Sardar Patel funded bomb
factories in Amritsar and elsewhere. Prime Minister Nehru and Prime
Minister Liaqat Ali Khan together toured the two Punjabs in the last
days of August trying to calm down the situation, but things had gone
out of control.
Although Delhi was not administratively a part of Punjab its Muslims had
to bear the fallout of the Punjab bloodbath. The late Dr Ishtiaq Hussain
Qureshi has written what happened to thousands of desperate Muslims who
pleaded to Gandhiji to save them. He promised to do his best. Dr Qureshi
notes that most of them survived and concludes that Gandhiji kept his
word.
The
author is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of South
Asian Studies (ISAS), National University of Singapore on leave from the
University of Stockholm, Sweden.
Email: isasia@nus.edu.sg
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