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' Gama the Great
INDIAN NATIONALISM by Joseph Alter
he purpose of this article is to
understand the relationship between Indian wrestling and Indian
nationalism during the first quarter of the 20 century. The world
wrestling championships of 1910 and 1928 are interpreted within the
context of growing nationalist sentiments in Since American and European wrestling
is regarded by most people as a rudimentary form of sport which enjoys
limited popularity, it is necessary to begin by dispelling any such
preconceptions with regard to Indian wrestling. Indian wrestling, known
variably as kushti, pehlwani, or mallayudha, is
very much like olympic free-style wrestling. The techniques and rules are
virtually the same. Although wrestling in In order to illustrate the relationship
between wrestling and nationalism it is best to consider the present
situation and then reflect back on the political environment of the early
part of the century. Nationalism and the Body of the Wrestler Wrestling is organized around the
institutional structure of an akharha or gymnasium. Each akharha
has between 40 and 60 members ranging in age from 15 to 60 with most being
about 20 years old. Each akharha is run by a guru who disciplines
his wards and instructs them in the fine art of wrestling. He also teaches
them the moral and ethical philosophy which underlies the physical
training and exercise regimens which structure the wrestlers every day
life. A wrestler's life is strictly regimented. At 3 am he
wakes, performs his ablutions and goes to the akharha. At the
akharha he wrestles and exercises until about 8 am. After practice he
relaxes and bathes. Once his body has cooled down he drinks a mixture of
milk, ghee and almonds. Later he eats a regular meal and if his
regimen is strict he will spend the better part of the day resting. In the
evening he will bathe again and return to the akharda at which time he
will perform various exercises to strengthen his shoulders, thighs, lower
back and neck. By 8 or 9 pm he is in bed. Time does not permit me to describe
every aspect of the wrestler's daily regimen. Suffice to say that each
detail - from how, where and in what position to sleep, when to defecate,
what to eat, what to wear and how and with what to brush ones teeth - is
all carefully spelled out and explained in terms of its particular value
in the overall scheme of health and fitness. In addition to the disciplinary regimen
of exercise, a wrestler's life is defined by strict moral rules. The concept of bhramacharya goes
far beyond the basic control of ones sexuality. It structures one's
attitude towards the sensory world of material objects. Thus, while it is
crucial that a wrestler not engage in sexual intercourse, it is equally
important that he not be concerned with material gain. Moreover, a
wrestler must avoid such things as tobacco, alcohol, tea and coffee, sour
and spicy foods as well as meat. All of these things are thought to enrage
a person's passion and thus make the practice of bhramacharya impossible.
Similarly a wrestler must turn his back on such modern evils as cinema and
film. From the perspective of the wrestler, the modern Hindi film has come
to represent all that is wrong with modern society: greed, fantasy, lust,
disparities in wealth, loose morals, escapism and misdirected goals.
Cinema halls are the target of a modern nationalistic rhetoric which
emerges from the akharha. But film is but one manifestation of what
wrestlers see as a much larger ethical problem. Calendar art, modern
magazines, so-called chap pornographic literature and a host of other
morally suspect materials - including television - are targeted for their
corrupting influence. All of these things combined have conspired to erode
the moral fiber of the nation. The wrestler's view of modern
These days the strength of society – not only in the villages but
everywhere – is being spent on
intoxicants of all kinds. Our energy should be spent building
strength and wisdom. In this way we
can prevent the wastage of our national wealth….
It is my prayer that the people of The appeal of national reform based on
moral and physical reconstitution is visionary and therefore emotionally
charged. In a poem on the subject Ramchandar Kesriya appeals to wrestlers
- the diamonds of the red earth – to become moral reformers. Virtuous, we will teach the world true
duty. In the vision of utopian reform the
burden of responsibility is placed squarely on the individual's shoulder.
Although the target of reform is corrupt society and eroded social
institutions, the agent of reform is the individual who must take
responsibility for his own actions. Thus personal virtues such as
self-discipline, exercise, devotion, respect and world-renunciation are
lauded as the primary building blocks - the new corner stones – of a
nation being built from the rubble of moral demise. As. K. P. Singh
writes: Practice self-denial. Go to the
villages. Be an ascetic for your work. Spread the work and do it with
missionary zeal. If a wrestler only gives a fraction of himself and goes
to the villages, thousands of young people will crowd around him and dig
and akharha. The roots will then run deep and it will not take long
to build up a tower [of moral and physical strength] (1972: 47). The wrestling ideology emerges, if not
directly, at least indirectly in response to the changes brought about by
rapid and dramatic westernization. As such, the utopian vision of national
reform is a counter critique designed to advocate an alternative framework
form modern What is significant about the wrestling
ideology is that its history may be traced back to the late 19th
and early 20th century. This was a period of strong if
disparate nationalistic sentiments, and a time when imperial influence was
being questioned and challenged on numerous fronts. Early 20th Century
Nationalism and Physical Culture The latter half of the 19th
century saw the rapid growth and extensive penetration of colonial
institutions into the structure of Indian society. In Bengal particularly,
but also in other urbanizing centers, the Hindu elite were taking
advantage of educational opportunities and finding employment in the
administrative and legal branches of the government. For various reasons,
which John Rosselli (1980) had discussed in some detail, the Bengali Hindu
elite were stereotyped as effeminate, weak-need and generally lacking in
masculine virtues. All Bengalis, irrespective of whether or not they
affected the character of a low ranking clerical worker, were thought of
as "soft-bodied little people" and "lilliputian in size and
weak in constitution" and "physically about the weakest people
in India" (1980: 122-123). Although this stereotype was ascribed to
the Bengali by Englishmen, over time it became a pejorative self-image.
Such eminent Bengalis as Vivekananda, Bankim Chandra Chaterjee and
Rabindranath Tagore came to regard the Bengali physical constitution as in
need of serious overhaul.
John Bull Belt won by
Gama.
In 1866 Rajnarayan Basu drafted a
prospectus for a Nationality Promotion Society. One of the primary tasks
of this society was to promote "national physical exercises" and
to revive the akharda as an institution to develop fitness and
character. A year later the Tagore family started a Hindu Mela which
sponsored, among other things, wrestling tournaments and demonstrations of
physical prowess. In 1876 Bipan Chandra Pal founded a secret society to
promote physical strength and disciplined self-control (ibid: 127). During
the 1860s and 70s there seems to have been a fairly widespread resurgence
of interest in akharda culture and physical fitness generally and
wrestling specifically. During the 1890s and particularly in the first
decade of the 20th century, physical culture came to be
associated with active protest against imperial authority. Swadeshi
activism in Although the association between
physical education and national identity may have been strongest in
Bengal, there is evidence that akharha culture - as an ideology of
physical and moral fitness - gained popularity throughout India after the
turn of the century. In the Kohlapur, Sangli and Poone
districts of Mahaharshtra, where wrestling is still very popular today,
Lokmanya Tilak called on young Maratha men to follow in the footsteps of
Shivaji and develop interest in akharda culture and the art of
wrestling. In a speech he called on students and youth to be "devoted
to strength and celibacy." (Patodi 1973: 62). Madan Mohan Malaviya,
who was largely responsible for establishing In the 1920s a number of Indian
educators became concerned that young men in While many leaders of the freedom
movement advocated wrestling as a means to national health, and a few such
as Malaviy and Tilak exercised at akharhas, it was the Indian
prices who were most successful in championing the cause of wrestling. The
Maharaja of Indore, The Gaikward of Baroda, Shahu Tripathi of Kohlapur and
the rulers of Allwar, Datiya, Darbhanga, and The kings and prince of The Raja of Aundh, Bhawanrao
Pantpratinidhi, clearly supported traditional Indian physical culture as a
means toward national strength and unity. He particularly advocated the
practice of Suryanamaskar which is part of the more general wrestling
regimen of many akharhas. In the forward to D.C. Mazumdar's Encyclopedia
of Indian Physical Culture he writes: If our boys and girls, mean and women
will regularly practice Suryanamaskars … there will shortly be produces
a type of humanity that shall excel in body, mind, and soul more than any
that the earth has yet brought forth… (Mazumdar 1950: unpaged front
matter). By no ones account was the early part
of this century a golden age of wrestling revival. Nevertheless, many of
the older wrestlers recall this period as a time when wrestling was a
matter of national pride. To a large extent the nationalistic sentiments
which are expressed to day harken back to this period as a time of moral
and physical restitution. The turn of the century saw the raise
of Swadeshi sentiments among many of the Indian elite. A major feature of
the Swadeshi movement was a renewed pride in "things Indian" -
home spun Khadi cloth in particular. On the level of ideological
sentiment, and to a lesser but more complicated extent on the level of
political action, Swandeshi represented a spirit of reappropriation. It
was, in many ways, an appeal to all Indians to take pride in the fruits of
their own labor. On a political and ideological level Swandeshi was in
direct confrontation with both the administration and economy of Imperial
rule. Advocacy for homespun khādi cloth was a clear statement of
economic and ideological insurgency. If khadi was a symbolic
reappropriation of cloth made by Indians for Indians, wrestling may be
seen as the symbolic reappropriation of the body in a similar light. The
performance of uniquely Indian forms of exercise and the celebration of
strength built on national moral virtues was a symbolic rejection of
physical and cultural subordination. It is in this context of political
insurgency and against the backdrop of a pervasive though muted advocacy
for wrestling as a nationalist ideology that we may now turn to a
consideration of Gama's epic wrestling bouts in
Gama in There is no figure who epitomizes the
ethical, moral and physical ideal of wrestling more than Gama, a
relatively low-class rural-born Muslim who became the court wrestler of
the Maharaja of Patiala. Virtually every popular article on Indian
wrestling pays verbal homage to Gama. He is often called - in an odd twist
of religious identity – the " As a young wrestler Gama distinguished
himself by winning numerous contests and by sticking arduously to his
regimen of diet, exercise and practice. According to one writer (Atreya
1984) Gama was the perfect embodiment of wrestling virtues. He was devoted
to god, perfectly self-controlled, humble yet self-confident and committed
to physical fitness as a way of life. In 1910 the John Bull Society of London
organized a world wrestling championship bout to which wrestlers the world
over were invited. A Bengali millionaire, Sharatkumar Mitra, sponsored
Gama and three other wrestlers who went to Upon arriving in On the first day of the challenge only
3 wrestlers came forward and they were all easily beaten. On the second
day Gama succeeded in defeating 10 British wrestlers one after the other
in a matter of a few minutes. On the basis of this success Gama's sponsors
were able to arrange a bout with Stanley Zbyszko, the world champion
Polish wrestler. On Zbyszko, though in perfect health and
the model of herculean strength, pursued a policy of passive resistance
from first to last … [F]or nearly three hours he spread himself face
down on the mat, evading his busy antagonist… [and] when in danger of
being pulled over and pinned out, crawling laboriously to the edge of the
mat. Thrice he got up and made a futile attack - when the Indian's vast
superiority in open play was at once apparent - and he was only to glad to
resume his prone position (Illustrated Weekly of India, February 7,
1960). On account of the lateness of the hour,
the bout was postponed until the following day. However, Zbyszko did not
show up and so the world championship belt was awarded to Gama. As one can well imagine, the Indian
press was quick to report on Gama's success. Tilak's Marathi newspaper the
Kesari had created a fervent patriotic spirit in many parts of western
It is significant, however, that Gama's
win did not represent a simple sporting triumph over the English. One must
remember that Gama was the embodiment of wrestling as a moral, spiritual,
and physical way of life. His success was, therefore, indicative of far
more than mere skill and brute force. Gama proved that strength itself did
not have to be construed in English terms. Although relatively small in
stature Gama had a kind of energy and stamina which emerged, in equal
parts, from his absolute moral self-control, his diet, and his strict
regimen of uniquely Indian Exercises. The Times of Aug 9th
picked up on this point, albeit somewhat obliquely, by contrasting Gama's
"fluid physique" with that of the American wrestler Roller's
pugilistic might. The contest, it was reported, would determine the
relative merits of the "oriental physique" vs the occidental
strong man. Gama returned to In 1928 the Maharaja of Patiala
organized an industrial and agricultural trade fair which, according to
the Lahore Tribune of January 29th, was "designed to break
down the barriers between the backwaters of Indian village life and the
main currents of our existence in the state" (1928: 4). On exhibit
were various indigenous products such as hooka bowls, shawls, rope,
cotton cloth, silk, carpets and numerous other things unique to the On the occasion of this trade fair, to
which many royal persons and foreign dignitaries were invited, the
Maharaja arranged a spectacular rematch between Gama and Zbyszko. A
stadium to accommodate 40, 000 spectators was built and equipped with huge
spotlights in case, as had happened 18 years previously, the bout was to
go on into the night. The newspapers advertised the bout well in advance
and Zbyszko's journey to On January 28 the bout was scheduled to
start at Zbyszko was late arriving and the
contest did not get underway until As in 1910, the newspapers were quick
to report on Gama's smashing success. The defeated Zbyszko was quotes as
saying "Gama, you are truly a tiger!" While Gama was clearly the most well
known wrestler of this period, the extent and nature of his fame makes
sense only in the larger context of the political environment of the time.
In the mid 1920s the Hindu Mahasabha sponsored wrestling tournaments as
part of its appeal for Hindu revival. There are also indications that in
Kohlapur and Sangli as well as in Gandhi's philosophy was also becoming
firmly entrenched during the late 1920s. While the Simon Commission of
late 1927 brought a strong reaction from nationalist leaders such as Lala
Lajpat Rai, Gandhi's appeal was for civil disobedience without violence.
With growing Hindu-Muslim tension, increased police violence, and
terrorist activities in both Bengal and the In spite of the fact that wrestling
exemplifies martial combat and aggressive physical confrontation, violence
is not its primary ideological referent. During the first quarter of this
century wrestling was seen as a form of moral and ethical resistance cast
in graphically physical terms. In the context of growing nationalistic
sentiments, Gama's dramatic victories clearly exemplified the moral and
physical primacy of wrestling as a way of life and as a form of protest. Emerging form the era of the
nationalist struggle, wrestling as a way of life has become codified as an
ideology of ethical reform. Although imperialism is no longer perceived as
a political threat, and freedom has long since been achieved, the
wrestling ideology continues to be structured in opposition to the
perceived threat of western values. In the rhetoric of a modern wrestling
advocate one can hear the general nationalistic appeal which was embodied
by Gama and other early 20th century wrestlers: Now is the time, the demand of the
hour, the appeal of history and the nation’s urgent call: go to the akharhas!
We must denounce the path of delusion and insincerity and turn instead
along the path of health and strength. There we will find shakti
and our competence will grow. There we will realize our full potential (Akharhon
ki [1988
Gama
in Pictures: Amarjit Chandan Collection BIBLIOGRAPHY Atreya, Shanti Prakash 1972-73 "Saccha Pehlwan Devta Hoti Hai."
Bhartiya Kushti 10, no. 7, 8, 9: 21-24 Kherdawda, Ramchandra Kesriya 1978 "Bharat ki Shan Bardayenge." Bhartiya
Kushti 16, no. 4, 5, Mazumdar, D. C. 1950 Encyclopedia of Indian Physical Culture. Patodi, Ratan 1972 "Kushti pare se Manoranjan Kar Samapth Ho!
Gaun-Gaun me Kushti Pratiyogitan Ho!" Bhartiya Kushti 9, no. 7, 8, 9:
11-14 1972 "Bharat me Pehlwani kese Panpe."
Bhartiya Kushti 9, no. 10, 11, 12: 11-15 1973 Bhartiya Kushti Kala. 1984 "Akharde ka Hira, Gama." Bhartiya
Kushti 21, no. 1: 23-48 Rajput, A. B. 1960 "Gama in Retirement." Illustrated
Weekly of Rosselli, John 1980 "The Self-Image of Effeteness: Physical
Education and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Singh, Himath Bahadur ND "Sampadakiya." In Akharden ki Aur.
Singh, Kamala Prasad 1972 "Malla Vidhya aur Sarkar." Bhartiya
Kushti 10, no. 1, 2, 3: 39-48 The Times. About the author
Professor
Joseph Alter
received his PhD from the His
research is in the field of medical anthropology on topics of physical
fitness, public health, social psychology, and the relationship between
health, culture, and politics broadly defined. He
has recently conducted work on the symbolic meaning of the body in the
practice of Indian wrestling; the relationship between sexuality, male
celibacy, and nationalism in post-colonial More
information about his research can be found at: www.pitt.edu/~jsalter Email:
jsalter@pitt.edu
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